Protests have rocked Iran since the September 16 death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini while in police custody, three days after she was 逮捕了 by the morality police in Tehran for allegedly violating the Islamic Republic’s strict dress code for women. There were reports that officers battered the Kurdish woman with a baton; the police claimed she suffered a heart attack.
More than 200 protestors have reportedly been killed by security forces during the fierce government crackdown, and hundreds of women and girls—often removing and burning their hijabs in defiance of the authorities—have been 逮捕了. The protests have continued across Iran despite efforts to 拘留 not just the protestors but also men and teenage boys, 和伊朗的公众人物, who have expressed their support; meanwhile, rallies in the United States and Europe have proclaimed international solidarity with the demonstrators, 谁经常喊“女人?, 生活, 自由,和“独裁者去死”(阿亚图拉阿里哈梅内伊).
Natana DeLong-Bas, 神学系的实践副教授, speaks with University Communications Associate Director Phil Gloudemans about the current Iranian protest movement and the context for the government’s repression. 美国伊斯兰社会太阳城官网委员会的前任主席, 她是伊斯兰教和基督教方面的专家, 比较《太阳城网赌平台》, 妇女与性别, 伊斯兰律法, 环境, 极端主义, 和阿拉伯海湾国家.
纳塔娜·德隆-巴斯:(李·佩莱格里尼)
伊朗已经发生了许多重大的起义, including the revolution that brought the Islamic Republic into power in 1979; the 2009 Green Movement to protest massive fraud in presidential elections; the 2019 uprising over rising gasoline prices, 现在是Mahsa Amini死后爆发的抗议活动. 与过去相比，今天的示威活动有什么新的或不同的地方?
第一个, there are no clerics involved and the protests are neither religious nor anti-religious in nature. 宗教一直小心翼翼地, 我是有意为之, 被排除在外, even though the issue that sparked the current demonstrations—an assault on a woman for “improper” veiling—is understood to be a reflection of the state’s religious commitment. 抗议活动的焦点是“女性”, 生活, 自由,“所有这些都是在抗议极权主义政权时相互关联的. A major aspect of these protests has been the centrality and visibility of women—as victims and as voices—claiming the right to personal autonomy. 最后, 不像过去, 今天正在进行的抗议, 从示威到静坐, 是没有领导的，似乎是有机的和自发的, 但影响深远, 可见性和共振.
大多数抗议者似乎都在25岁以下. 伊朗的资料显示，平均年龄为15岁, 死于该政权之手的女性年龄从16岁到22岁不等. 除了他们的年轻，是什么定义了这些抗议者?
这些抗议活动中最令人痛心的是，如此多的受害者——那些被杀害的人, 逮捕了, 被拘留的人都很年轻. 抗议图片经常突出年轻女孩和年轻妇女, 显然是高中和大学的年龄, 脱下面纱，放火烧了她们的面纱, 剪他们的头发, 作为他们要求个人自主权的证明. 小到10岁的孩子们举着海报和标语牌, 展示他们对抗议者的支持. 这些年轻人代表着这个国家的未来, and they are taking charge of their destiny even though they are too young to have government representation.
在一个文化主要植根于对年龄和权力的服从的国家, 以及个人对集体认同的服从, the fact that so many young people are banding together as an alternative collectivity sends a strong message about the refusal to abide by rulings they have had no voice in legislating. 而不是接受无能为力，支持有权势的人, 这些年轻人正在寻找让他们的声音被听到的方法. 剩下的问题不仅仅是是否有人在听, but whether any alternative outlets for fulfilling youth demands and the desire for a stake in determining Iran’s future will be offered outside of joining with existing powers in policing and denouncing others.
How would you characterize the chances that today’s protest movement will result in some significant, 伊朗政府统治的长期变化?
The issue of a “proper” hajib has proven to be the match that’s lit the ticking time bomb of a population frustrated with a regime that not only fails to meet people’s expectations, but is also mired in a mindset that doesn’t resonate with large portions of the citizenry dissatisfied with the unnecessary restrictions on their personal autonomy and 生活 choices—everything from clothing and personal appearance to the 自由 to attend soccer matches. Those who protest are not necessarily demanding the overthrow of the government; instead, 他们坚持要求当局倾听他们的声音和不满. 如果有一个转折点, 只有当国家的暴力武器——警察, 军事, 法院也质疑他们的命令, which is already transpiring among some members of the Basiji (morality police) since Mahsa Amini’s death, who have expressed distress with directives to fulfill arrest quotas for “improperly” dressed young people or who appear in “morally questionable” ways in public places. 如果国家的执法机制拒绝执行严厉的措施, 尤其是针对伊朗青年, 它可能引发真正的变革.
尽管伊朗已经限制和减缓了互联网接入，以消除异议, 公民不服从的其他形式也出现了. 总统易卜拉欣·莱希, 一名极端保守的教士，坚持执行哈吉卜规则, 指控抗议者滥用阿米尼之死来破坏国家稳定. 你对他的主张怎么看, 你预计莱希会做出短期或长期的改变来平息动乱吗?
指责社交媒体和年轻人的冲动造成了社会动荡, 而不是审视长期以来普遍存在的对镇压的不满, 以及有限的言论自由, 是该政权否认民众要求合法性的标准策略吗. 破坏稳定的指控往往会导致叛国罪的刑事指控, 煽动叛乱, 甚至恐怖主义, 导致更严厉的政权反应, 正如我们现在看到的以死刑结束的虚假审判.
这些都无助于解决导致如此多动荡的问题. Use of civil disobedience is nothing new in Iran; Iranians have long proven to be creative in expression of grievances, 挫折, 并指出以非暴力方式限制日常生活的荒谬之处. 但是和平抗议只能在没有产生实际结果的情况下持续很长时间. 虽然没有什么是不可避免的，因为人类的选择总是涉及决策, 缺乏积极的政府反应增加了转向暴力的可能性, 并以更多的敌意回应. 在这种情况下，没有人是赢家.
拜登政府谴责伊朗的暴行和对其公民的镇压, 并实施制裁. 这些措施会减少或结束暴力吗? 如果不是, are there any external forces that could sufficiently influence the Iranian government to ease the conservative Islamic dress and behavior rules that have governed daily 生活 for Iranians since the 1979 revolution?
随着时间的推移，政权对抗议者的暴行正在增加，这是一个严重的问题, particularly because many of those who have been killed and violently 逮捕了 and 拘留ed are children—a show of control by a regime desperate to hold onto its power through repression and hostility against its own people. 该政权显然希望其铁腕统治能激起恐惧，平息抗议, but the government is missing the protesters’ points: Their desire for personal 自由s and autonomy is greater than their fear of the regime; that there is power in numbers; and that they will continue to express their defiance.
如果没有某种形式的解决方案，我不认为暴力或抗议活动会结束, and that solution needs to come from within Iran on the basis of what the Iranian people want for themselves. The most important support external powers can provide is to back the Iranian people by assuring that any measures undertaken to apply pressure to the Iranian government do not have a negative impact on the general population, 已经承受巨大经济压力的国家.
据报道，伊朗安全部队和抗议者在萨盖兹发生冲突, 阿米尼的家乡, after crowds gathered near her grave on October 26 to mark the 40-day mourning period observed under Islamic tradition since her death. 这个宗教里程碑会结束抗议活动吗? 如果没有，接下来会发生什么呢?
A number of analysts have noted that this 40-day marker could have brought an end to mourning specific to Amini, but the clashes that resulted made it clear that the government persists in repressing any expression of human emotion, 因此排除了任何结束抗议活动的可能性. 现实情况是，许多人在这些示威活动中被杀害, 40天的丧钟随着每一次死亡重新开始. 如果政府想要结束对政权杀戮的抗议, 该政权需要停止杀戮. 任何表现出持续抓捕意愿的政府, 拘留, and kill its own children and youth cannot reasonably expect the population to be obedient to it. 任何人的道德良知都要求尊重儿童的生命和尊严.